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Wednesday, 12 August 2015
NON BAILABLE WARRANT-EXECUTION
POLITICS OF BEEF
| Introduction Recently the Maharashtra legislature passed the new Maharashtra Animal Preservation (Amendment) Bill, 1995 which has enforced a blanket ban on the slaughter of cows, bulls and bullocks (which was previously allowed based on a fit-for-slaughter certificate). Following suit, Haryana also passed a similar bill on 16 March 2015, which imposes a fine ranging from Rs 30,000 to Rs one lakh.Much opposed to the image presented to the rest of the world, India Inc. is not vegetarian anymore. Over the past decade, the vegetarian hypocrisy has been exposed as meat consumption has doubled in the last five years itself. Currently, 60% of the Indian populace consumes meat. Among the various kinds of meat, beef is the cheapest. While consumption of beef has been considered taboo for a long time, in lieu of the religious sentiments of staunch Hindus and Jains, a vast section of the rural population have relented to economic compulsions and taken to beef. Beef-eating is most prevalent in the north-eastern states such as Arunachal Pradesh, Meghalaya, Mizoram and Nagaland where beef is sold openly in the cities. Manipur also accounts for a large section of beef-eaters with a large section of its Christian population. Kerala holds the distinction of being the only the South Indian state having no restrictions on cattle slaughter. The dietary habits of Dalit Hindus are reflected in the fact that beef is the most widely consumed meat in Uttar Pradesh. Furthermore, in Goa, beef forms an integral part of the culinary experience offered to tourists as well. The state requires 30 to 50 tons of beef every day to meet the needs of The blanket ban on slaughter of cattle in Maharashtra is the culmination of a thirty years long effort. However, it has sparked debate over the constitutionality of such laws once again. In light of the prevalence of consumption of beef across Indian states, the right to choice of food guaranteed under Article 21 of the Constitution and the State’s authority to regulate culinary choices has come under judicial scrutiny. Constitutionality In India, cow has been considered sacred, in fact worshipped by the Hindu community. The slaughter of cows is therefore, not an indigenous Indian practice. The slaughter of cattle is engraved in Indian national memory as associated with national oppression, at first by Muslim conquerors and later by the British. Cow slaughter, in fact, became prominent in India only during the medieval ages. The cow became a symbol of dispute after the successive invasions of foreign rulers beginning with Ahmad Shah Abdali who looted the Golden Temple and filled its pool with the blood of slaughtered cows, as an act of ultimate defiance. Subsequently, cow slaughter was made a capital offence during Ranjit Singh’s reign .The cow was increasingly accorded a religious status. The first war of Indian independence itself was a Sepoy Mutiny, in which soldiers, led by Mangal Pandey refused to open beef-coated cartridges with their mouth. Later, in 1870, the Namdhari Sikhs launched the Kuka Revolution against the British, protesting against the slaughter of cows by sacrificing their own lives. Upon the advice of BR Ambedkar, a concession was made and Article 48 was included within the Directive Principles of state policy. Article 48 reads that States as well as the Union are expected to take steps for preserving and improving the breeds, and prohibiting the slaughter, of cows and calves and other milch and draught cattle. Further, Article 51A enumerating the fundamental duties enjoins upon the citizens of this country to cherish the ideals, which inspired our freedom struggle. One needs to understand that this inclusion was a compromise considering that the directive principles are non-justiciable. Therefore, this only encourages and gives complete discretion to States to enact appropriate legislation prohibiting slaughter leaving open Religion and symbolism In the Hindu religion, cow is referred to as ‘mother’ or the gaumata and is associated with the worship of Lord Krishna. The religious roots of this agitation cannot be ignored. This also tends to create a deep impression in the minds of the populace who immediately begin to make community-based associations. It is a known fact that legitimacy to certain symbols has an impact on the social perception of those symbols. As Joseph Gusfield notes, “The fact of affirmation through acts of law and government expresses the public worth of one set of norms, of one sub-culture vis-à-vis those of others. It demonstrates which cultures have legitimacy and public domination, and which do not.” This can be understood in the context of the current beef ban which seems to keep the beliefs of the Hindu community over those of the Muslims. It needs to be understood that the Hindu texts itself do not disallow Hindus from consuming beef. A survey of Vedas shows that amongst the nomadic pastoral Aryans who settled here, animal sacrifice was a dominant feature till the emergence of settled agriculture. Even later Brahminical texts provide evidence for eating beef. Yajnavalkya in fact encouraged people to eat the tender flesh of the cow and so did the Taittiriya Brahman. Unlike what is common belief, the Manusmriti also did not prohibit consumption of beef that used to be one of the choicest offerings to the Gods. This goes on the show that Hindu religion itself does not prohibit slaughter of cows let alone curtailing the rights of those practicing other religions to do the same. The language of Article 48 affirms the legislative intent to attribute a sense of sanctity to the cow in keeping with the Hindu tradition. In fact, the Directive Principles give the States unfettered powers to legislate on slaughter of cows. Therefore the Balancing right to trade with protection of cow The fundamental right to trade as provided under Article 19(1)(g) of the Indian Constitution is not an absolute right. The concept of reasonable restriction has been recognized under Article 19(2) which states that the State cannot make any law which restricts the exercise of the right conferred in the “interests of the sovereignty and integrity of India, the security of the State, friendly relations with foreign States, public order, decency or morality or in relation to contempt of court, defamation or incitement to an offence”. There have been many instances when the right to trade has been infringed in the interest of public order and morality. In M.C. Mehta v. Union of India, the Supreme Court ordered the closure of tanneries at Jajman near Kanpur, polluting the river Ganga. The interaction between freedom of trade, business, occupation and profession, and right to environment has been settled in favour of the latter in Abhilash Textile and Sushila Saw Mill cases. Upholding the order of prohibition of nuisance causing activities like discharging dirty water on public road, the Gujarat High Court in the former case observed, “No one has a right to carry on business so as to cause nuisance to the society....The petitioners cannot assert their Similarly in cases of prostitution, gambling etc., right to trade has been restricted in the interest of public policy. Censorship has been another method of restricting the right to freedom of speech and expression and trade in light of public interest. However, when it comes to complete ban on slaughter, this restriction tilts more towards being unreasonable. As has been stated before, Maharashtra already had a legislation which banned the slaughter of cows which were fit for agricultural use. This restriction was reasonable and necessary for the protection of the interests of farmers. But a complete ban not only is unfair to the butcher community but also puts a burden on the farmers who have to continue maintaining cattle which is no longer of use to them. The immediate impact of this beef ban has been the loss of jobs at many abattoirs. The Deonar abattoir in Mumbai, where 450 bulls, bullocks and buffaloes were slaughtered daily on an average has had to remove 298 bullocks from its compound. Maharashtra’s beef trade is controlled largely by Muslims of the Qureshi community, who work as butchers, agents and dealers. Along with the Qureshis, many Dalit families in the area also work as caretakers of the cattle. The effect of the ban has impacted everyone working at Deonar with the mutton industry having its own butchers and dealers. The two-fold impact of this will be that firstly, prices of other meat, like mutton will increase and secondly, the competition for carabeef will increase leading to rise in price and decrease in its availability. However, the mutton traders aren’t happy about the increase in prices as the customers will not agree to pay a higher price. Moreover, this ban would also adversely impact the indigenous industries such as the leather industry. Due to the presence of Deonar, Maharashtra plays a pivotal role in the supply of raw material to tanneries. India produces 10% of the world’s leather and its leather products are exported to 15-20 countries. Now the prices of the raw material will increase making it impossible for traders to buy them at such high rates Therefore, whereas the right to trade and occupation of the butchers and traders is completely violated, the practice of this right by the leather industry has become hard. Referring to the case of Mohd. Hanif Qureshi v. Bihar, (which has been analyzed later) the Supreme Court has been of the view that a total ban on slaughter cannot be justified on grounds of public interest. Judicial trend With the inclusion of Article 48, several states enacted legislations prohibiting either the consumption of beef or the sale of cows or both. Madhya Pradesh enacted the Madhya Pradesh Agricultural Cattle Preservation Act of 1959 which prohibited the transport, sale, purchase and disposal of cattle and their progeny. Karnataka, Bihar and Gujarat followed suit. These laws increasingly faced judicial scrutiny. The Supreme Court laid down the precedent with respect to cattle slaughter in Mohd. Hanif Qureshi v. Bihar , wherein a petition was filed by three thousand Muslim butchers. The petitioners argued that the prohibition on the slaughter of cattle, imposed through the CP and Berar Animal Preservation Act,1949 as well the Uttar Pradesh Prevention of Cow Slaughter Act,1955, curtailed their enjoyment of the fundamental freedom of occupation as well as denied them of their religious customs of killing goats and sheep during Bakrid. A five-judge Bench held that the state is allowed to restrict fundamental freedoms in order to uphold the Directive Principles of State Policy. A restriction, however, must be reasonable. Insofar as this petition was based on the right to freedom of religion, however, it was rejected outright due to the lack of any evidence that cattle slaughtering was a religious duty in Islam. As for the infringement of freedom of occupation, the Court found that the legislation could 22. AIR 1961 SC 448. In State of W.B. v. Ashutosh Lahiri, an important decision was rendered by a 3-judge bench of the Supreme Court. It was contended that the State of West Bengal had wrongly invoked Section 12 of the West Bengal Animal Slaughter Control Act, 1950, when it exempted from the operation of the Act, the slaughter of healthy cows on the occasion of BakrI’d on the ground that such exemption was required to be given for the religious purpose of Muslim community. The power to grant such an exemption was challenged. The Calcutta High Court held that such slaughter of cows by members of Muslim community on BakrI’d day was not a requirement of Muslim religion and, therefore, such exemption was outside the scope of Section 12 of the Act. Consequently, the impugned order was held to be de hors the statute. The Supreme Court upheld the decision of the High court. Meanwhile, the Central Government also instituted the Datar Committee (Cattle Preservation and Development Committee 1947-48) and the Nanda Committee(1954) to inspect the status of cow slaughter and the anomalies of the cattle preservation legislation. The experts opined that while a total ban on cattle slaughter was unreasonable as well as undesirable in light of the dry fodder. The Datar Committee also recommended that the inconsistencies in State laws created administrative difficulties, and a uniform legislation could only be enacted if people were sufficiently convinced of the economic justifications for the same. The precedent laid down in Hanif Qureshi was reversed in the case of Mirzapur Moti Kureshi Kassab in 2005 where the 7-judge Bench headed by Chief Justice Lahoti accepted the assertion of the Gujarat government that new developments in 24. (2005) 8 SCC 534. Subsequently, in the judgement delivered in the Hinsa Virodhak case of 2008, the SC held that shutting down of slaughter houses for a limited period of time during a Jain festival was reasonable, thus, retreating from the decision of the Mirzapur case and holding that an absolute ban was unconstitutional and unnecessary. Economics While the state governments have conspicuously emphasized on the agro-economic motivation behind the beef ban, the fact of the matter is that this move is not as economically intelligent as is being claimed. In response to the contentions raised against the beef ban through petitions filed before the Bombay High Court challenging Sections 5(d) and 9(a) of the Act, the State government responded by stating that “It is considered that the economy of Maharashtra was still predominantly agricultural and cow progeny is its backbone. Bulls and bullocks are useful not only as draught animal but also for agricultural purposes and breeding. They never cease to be useful as their dung is also a form of rich manure. Considering their usefulness, it was felt necessary to preserve and protect this cow progeny, including bulls and bullocks”. The rationale offered by the State government is fundamentally flawed and rather inconsistent. Justifying the ban on grounds of the economic value of bulls and bullocks, the government failed into take into the account the fact that water buffaloes, that did not have this immunity, actually produce more milk than cows and are equally common as draught animals. It is well-established that cattle past their prime are a drain on the farmer’s resources. Therefore, as a result of the absolute ban The rationale offered by the State government is fundamentally flawed and rather inconsistent. Justifying the ban on grounds of the economic value of bulls and bullocks, the government failed into take into the account the fact that water buffaloes, that did not have this immunity, actually produce more milk than cows and are equally common as draught animals. It is well-established that cattle past their prime are a drain on the farmer’s resources. Therefore, as a result of the absolute ban Logically speaking, no farmer, whether Hindu or Muslim, would give up healthy cattle for slaughter. Most abbatoirs run by the State government employ doctors to ensure that the cows are unfit for agriculture before permitting slaughter. Therefore, the concerns of the government of young cows being slaughtered are baseless. More importantly, India is currently one of the hosts to the maximum number of beef consumers. In fact, it ranked seventh on beef consumption in 2012. In 2014 alone, India produced 4.1 million metric tonne of beef of which 2.050 million metric tonne were consumed domestically. Not only Muslims, but a majority of Dalit Hindus and Christians consume beef in India. As a result of the absolute ban, people would have to shift to another meat such as goat meat which would now be costlier. However, considering that beef was popular with the lower income groups because it was affordable and a major source of protein, the government will now tax the people into paying a higher price for consumption of meat to fulfil their dietary needs. Furthermore, by criminalizing their dietary choices, these sections of the population become increasingly prone to violence and intimidation, as was observed in the aftermath of the cattle slaughter legislations in Karnataka and Gujarat. As is the case with blanket bans, the communities whose interests have been adversely affected will now transport the cattle to states which do not have such legislations( statistics show that more than half of the beef from India is illegally exported to Bangladesh ), so as to subvert the existing legal sanctions. Conversely, after states like Gujarat criminalized the transport of cattle and possession of beef, they have begun to lose revenue from taxing the trucks carrying beef which crossed the State. With the beef market currently valued at Rs.10,000 crore , the potential for a black market for sale and purchase of cow meat is very high and will likely have harmful effects on the bovine trade as well. Conclusion From the above analysis it can be concluded that the agro-economic reasoning given by the Maharashtra government in lieu of the ban is flawed. Maharashtra already had a legislation which allowed slaughter of cattle that were no longer useful to the farmers. Similar laws are in force in various Indian states, for example, in Andhra Pradesh, where the slaughter of bulls and bullocks is allowed on obtaining "fit-for-slaughter" certificate, to be given only if the animal is not economical or is not likely to become economical for the purpose of breeding or draught/agricultural operations. There are clearly no economical or agricultural benefits of a blanket ban and moreover, it violates a community’s fundamental right to trade and occupation. Since the possession of beef has also been criminalized, the legislation blatantly curtails the right to choice of food of a huge population. Acquiring the color of a religiously motivated move, the only aim the beef ban seems to be achieving is satisfying the personal interests and beliefs of a few who happen to be in power. | ||
| courtsey-RAGHAVI VISWANATH and SURBHI SHARMA | ||
Legal System in Ancient India
"In some respects the judicial system of ancient India was theoretically in advance of our own today."- John W. Spellman
Abstract: The ancient Aryan rulers of India were confronted by political, economic, and social problems in many ways similar to those with which modern British statesmen and social reformers are struggling, and their solutions of them, according to all the evidence of history, were much more satisfactory to the people at large than any which modern Europe has found. The freedom and general happiness attained by the people of Great Britain with the help of Parliamentary institutions and the richest revenues of the world can hardly be compared with that which Indians within the Aryan pale enjoyed both before and after the fifth century A.D.—the time which we regard as Dark Age. The Indo- Aryan constitution, built up by the highest intelligence of the people upon the basis of the village communities, and not wrung from unwilling war-lords and landlords by century-long struggles and civil war, secured to the Indian peasant-proprietor not only the ownership of the land, but very considerable powers of self government. From 300 A.D to 1192 A.D India is said to worlds most developed country, its GDP was equivalent to 25% of worlds GDP, followed by China which had 15% share in World GDP. This tremendous development is impossible without very sound justice dispensing system during that Golden age, to the contrary some Historians and Foreign Jurists opined that there was no ‘rule of law’ in ancient India, if so what was the system of Justice Administration that was in existence during that day and which ‘norms’ (Laws) of ancient Indian society contributed to attainment such highest stage of Human Civilization. To answer these prepositions it is necessary to go beyond western distortions about India and conduct impartial inquiry of surrounding social facts recorded in old texts.
History of Judicial system in India can be classified in to III stages, (i) Judicial System in ancient India i.e Pre-Islamic invasion (ii) Judicial System in Medieval Age (iii) Judicial System in British Rule. For our discussion we shall take first stage.
India has the oldest judiciary in the world. No other judicial system has a more ancient or exalted pedigree. But before describing the judicial system of ancient India I must utter a warning. The reader must reject the colossal misrepresentation of Indian Jurisprudence and the legal system of ancient India by certain British writers. I shall give a few specimens. Henry Maine described the legal system of ancient India "as an apparatus of cruel absurdities". An Anglo-Indian jurist made the following remark about what he called "the oriental habits of life" of the Indians before the British turned up in India: "It (British rule in India) is a record of experiments made by foreign rulers to govern alien races in a strange land, to adapt European institutions to Oriental habits of life, and to make definite laws supreme amongst peoples who had always associated government with arbitrary and uncontrolled authority." Alan Gledhill, a retired member of the Indian Civil Service, wrote that when the British seized power in India, "there was a dearth of legal principles." For Bernard Cohn, the ancient constitution rendered Indian history as antique, static and theocratic.
These statements are untrue. It is not for me to guess why they were made. They may be due to sheer ignorance, or imperialist self-interest, or contempt for Indian culture and civilization which was a part of the imperialist outlook which dominated British Jurists, historians, and thinkers in the heyday of imperialism. But the effect of this misrepresentation, which has few parallels in history, was to create a false picture of the Indian judicial system both in India and outside. These are the words of Hon’ble Justice S. S. Dhavan High Court, Allahabad; it is true that Legal System in ancient India was much better and matured that, impartial English Historians themselves admitted its superiority. Whereas others as mentioned above, in their utter ignorance or with a view to defy Indian culture and thereby dominate Indian civilization distorted, by creating false impression as to social conditions of pre-British India.
1.2. Judicial System in Ancient IndiaThe concept of Dharma that ruled Indian civilization, from Vedic period up to Muslim invasion from King to his last servant everyone was bound by Dharma, The word Dharma is derived from "dhr" to mean to uphold, sustain or nourish. The Seers often use it in close association with ‘rta’ and ‘satya’. Sri Vidyaranya defines ‘rta’ as the mental perception and realization of God. The Taittiriya Upanishad also uses it with ‘satya’ and ‘dharma’. It exhorts students to speak the truth and practice dharma (Satyam vadha: Dharmam chara). According to Sankara Bhagavatpada ‘satya’ means speaking the truth and ‘dharma’ means translating it (Satya) into action.
In this regard, the explanation given by Sri.K.Balasubramania Aiyar is relevant: "An analysis of the significance of these three words (rta, satya and dharma) brings out clearly to us the fundamental basis of dharma as the ideal for an individual. While ‘rta’ denotes the mental perception and realization of truth and ‘satya’ denotes the exact true expression in words of the truth as perceived by the mind, dharma is the observance, in the conduct of life, of truth. In fact, dharma is the way of life which translates into action the truth perceived by the man of insight as expressed by him truly. In short, ‘rta’ is truth in thought, ‘satya’ is truth in words and ‘dhrama’ is truth in deed."
Manusmriti written by the ancient sage Manu prescribes ten essential rules for the observance of Dharma: Patience (dhriti), forgiveness (kshama), piety or self control (dama), honesty (asteya), sanctity (shauch), control of senses (indraiya-nigrah), reason (dhi), knowledge or learning (vidya), truthfulness (satya) and absence of anger (krodha). Manu further writes, "Nonviolence, truth, non-coveting, purity of body and mind, control of senses are the essence of Dharma". Therefore dharmic laws govern not only the individual but all in society
Dharma is generally mean ‘principle of righteousness’ or ‘duty’, principle of holiness and also the principle of unity. Yudhishthira says in his instructions to Bhishma that whatever creates conflict is Adharma, and whatever puts an end to conflict and brings about unity and harmony is Dharma. Anything that helps to unite all and develop pure divine love and universal brother hoodness is Dharma. Dharma advocates if the Paramatman is to draw us unto himself we must, without fail; perform our duties to him as well as to the world. It is these duties that constitute what is called dharma. Again, it is dharma that serves us when we dwell in our body and when we cease to dwell in it. It serves us in life and afterlife. There need be no doubt or confusion about the dharma we ought to follow. We are all steeped in the dharma that our, great men have pursued from generation to generation. They have inwardly realized eternal beatitude and we know for certain that they lived without any care, unlike people in our own generation who are always discontented and are embroiled in agitations and demonstrations of all kinds. All we need to do is to follow the dharma that they practiced. If we tried to create a new dharma for ourselves it might mean trouble and all the time we would be torn by doubts as to whether it would bring us good or whether it would give rise to evil. It is best for us to follow the dharma practiced by the great men of the past, the dharma of our forefathers. It does not mean that ‘Dharma’ is immutable; ‘Dharma’ has to two aspects one ‘Sanatana Dharma’ another is ‘Yuga Dharma’ later is valid one for an age. The Smiritis themselves recognize this principle of social change, Manu says, “There is one set of dharma for men in the kritayuga; a different set for each of tretayuga, dvapara and kaliyugas; the dharma change according to the change of yuga. “The Hindu (i.e Sanatana Dharma) view makes room for essential changes. There must be no violent break with social heredity, and yet the new stresses, conflicts and confusions will have to be faced and overcome; while the truths of spirit are permanent the rules change from age to age”.
Dharma is unique blend of rigidity and flexibility it protects eternal principles and accepts continued valid traditions, Shurtis stands for universal, eternal, and fundamental principles and Smiritis stands for a group of values derived from these principles and finding their expression in limited, temporary and relative field of social life. Swami Vivekananda said, “We know that, in our books, a clear distinction is made between two sets of truths. The one set is that which abides forever, being built on the nature of man, the nature of soul, the souls’s relation to God and so on. The other set comprises the minor laws, which guide the working of our everyday life…… They belong more properly to the puranas, to the Smiritis, and not the shruti…..custom of one age, of one yuga, have not been the customs of another, and as yuga comes after yuga they will have to change”.
Henry Maine classified Indian Society and its legal system as ‘Static’, this is because of his utter ignorance he might have relied his counterpart’s explanation (distorted) rather than understanding Indian Society as it stood, in India the King himself was subject to the law; that arbitrary power was unknown to Indian political theory and jurisprudence and the king’s right to govern was subject to the fulfillment of duties the breach of which resulted in forfeiture of kingship; that the judges were independent and subject only to the law; that ancient India had the highest standard of any nation of antiquity as regards the ability, learning, integrity, impartiality, and independence of the judiciary, and these standards have not been surpassed till today; that the Indian judiciary consisted of a hierarchy of judges with the Court of the Chief Justice (Praadvivaka) at the top, each higher Court being invested with the power to review the decision of the Courts below; that disputes were decided essentially in accordance with the same principles of natural justice which govern the judicial process in the modern State today: that the rules of procedure and evidence were similar to those followed today; that supernatural modes of proof like the ordeal were discourage; that in criminal trials the accused could not be punished unless his guilt was proved according to law; that in civil cases the trial consisted of four stages like any modern trial – plaint, reply, hearing and decree; that such doctrines as Res Judicata (prang nyaya) were familiar to Indian jurisprudence; that all trials, civil or criminal, were heard by a bench of several judges and rarely by a judge sitting singly; that the decrees of all Courts except the King were subject to appeal or review according to fixed principles; that the fundamental duty of the Court was to do justice "without favor or fear".
1.2.1. Rule of Law in Ancient IndiaThe British while justifying their colonial rule in India claimed Indians lacked civilized system of self rule and their presence in this country gave India a sense of justice and Rule of law. Many Indians today held these views in their heart. These views are not only incorrect but they are blatant lies. In fact there was no match for Rule of law that existed in ancient India; even Englishman’s Rule of Law looks too conservative before that lofty ideal of ancient Indian rule of law. In the Mahabharata, it was laid down "A King who after having sworn that he shall protect his subjects fails to protect them should be executed like a mad dog."
"The people should execute a king who does not protect them, but deprives them of their property and assets and who takes no advice or guidance from any one. Such a king is not a king but misfortune." Kautilya describes the duties of a king in the Arth-shastra thus : "In the happiness of his subjects lies the King’s happiness; in their welfare his welfare; whatever pleases him he shall not consider as good, but whether pleases his people he shall consider to good."
It is ironical, that in a country where ‘King can do no wrong’ principal is in existence, how dare they may be to conclude Indian ancient legal system is full of absurdities,
The so-called progressive politician, who treats Indian history as a book no longer read, tells us that we must look forward and not backward; that we can no longer build as Akbar built; that India can gain little or nothing by studying her own past; that East must be west and forget that she was East. Pretending to be a real with a scientific political programme based upon actualities, he is ignorant of the fundamental economic and social conditions by which a prudent and far-seeing State policy must be governed and blind to the things of everyday Indian life which pass before his own eye. The logic of history, ancient or modern, Indian or European, is lost upon him…………. The British factory-hand and dweller in city slums sings when he goes to war because war is for him a release from servitude and misery often far more degrading than the Indian caste system at its worst. He does not sing in times of peace. He is then chained down to a daily life in which there is no joy or freedom—the slavery of modern industrialism. He struggles vainly to free himself from it by the organization of trade unions, and only adds to the political machine another form of tyranny which often is a menace to the whole imperial fabric8. This what the observation made by great English Historian E.B. Havell.
In the heyday of imperialism defying observation were made about Indian Legal system by some the European Historians, Prof. J.S.Patil in his discourse always reminds us, that Historians of Europe always used to see India through their English glasses, for this reason there observations remained far from reality. In India, the concept of Rule of law can be traced to Upanishad. It provides that the law is the king of kings. It is more powerful and rigid than the kings. There is nothing higher than law. By its powers the weak shall prevail over the strong and justice shall triumph. Thus, in monarchy, the concept of law developed to control the exercise of arbitrary powers of the monarchs who claimed divine powers to rule. In democracy, the concept has assumed different dimension and means that the holders of public powers must be able to justify publicly that the exercise of power is legally valid and socially just.
1.2.2. Judiciary in Ancient IndiaSacred law (Dharma), evidence (Vyavahára), history (Charitra), and edicts of kings (Rájasásana) are the four legs of Law, of these four in order: the later is superior to the previously mentioned. Dharma is eternal truth holding its sway over the world; Vyavahára, evidence, is in witnesses; Charitra, history, is to be found in the tradition (sangraha), of the people; and the order of kings is what is called sásana (legislations). These principles of were administered by Court, in ‘Sangrahana’, ‘ Karvatik’, ‘Dronamukha’, and ‘Stháníya’, and at places where districts meet, three members acquainted with Sacred Law (dharmasthas) and three ministers of the King (amátyas) shall carry on the administration of Justice. ‘Sangrahana’ is centre for 10 villages, ‘Karyatik’ for 200 Villages, ‘Dronamukha’ for 400 villages and ‘Sthaniya’ for 800 villages. This arrangement of judiciary suggests that there were sufficient number of Courts at different levels of administration, and for district (Janapadasandhishu) there were Circuit Courts. My
In villages, the local village councils or Kulani, similar to modern panchayat, consisted of a board of five or more members to dispense justice to villagers. It was concerned with all matters relating to endowments, irrigations, cultivable land, punishment of crime, etc. village councils dealt with simple civil and criminal cases. At higher level in towns and districts the Courts were presided over by the government officer under the authority of King to administer the justice. The link between the village assembly in the local and the official administration was the head man of the village. In each village, local head man was holding hereditary office and was required to maintain order and administer justice, he was also a member of village council he acted both as the leader of the village and mediator with the government.
In order to deal with the disputes amongst member of various guilder or association of trader or artisans,(sreni), various corporations, trade bills, guilds were authorized to exercise an effective jurisdiction over their member. These tribunals consisting of a president and three or five co-adjutors were allowed to decide their civil cases regularly just like other Courts. No doubt, it was possible go in appeal from the tribunal of the guild to local Court, then to Royal judges and from this finally to the King but such situation rarely arises. Due to the prevailing institution of joint Family system Family Courts were also established, ‘puga’ assemblies made up of groups of families in the same village decide civil disputes amongst the family members.
1.2.2. (a) Grounds of Litigation:Manu mentions following grounds on which litigation may be instituted, (1) Non-payments of debts; (2) deposits; (3) sale without ownership; (4) partnership; (5) non-delivery of gifts; (6) non-payment of wages; (7) Breach of Contract; (8) cancellation of a sale or purchase; (9) disputes between owners and herdsmen; (10) the law on boundary disputes; (11) verbal assault; (12) physical assault; (13) theft; (14) violence; (15) sexual crimes against women; (16) law concerning husband and wife; (17) partition of inheritance; and (18) gambling and betting.
According to Brihaspati Smiriti, there was a hierarchy of Courts in Ancient India beginning with the family Courts and ending with the King. The lowest was the family arbitrator. The next higher Court was that of the judge; the next of the Chief Justice who was called Praadivivaka, or adhyaksha; and at the top was the King’s Court. The jurisdiction of each was determined by the importance of the dispute, the minor disputes being decided by the lowest Court and the most important by the king. The decision of each higher Court superseded that of the Court below.
According to Vachaspati Misra, "The binding effect of the decisions of these tribunals, ending with that of the king, is in the ascending order, and each following decision shall prevail against the preceding one because of the higher degree of learning and knowledge".
1.2.2. (b) Duties and manners: to be observed by the king in administration of justice were very clearly laid down in Sacred Texts, Manu’s code says, a king, desirous of investigating law cases, must enter his Court of justice, preserving a dignified demeanour, together with Brahmans and with experienced councilors. There, either seated or standing, raising his right arm, without ostentation in his dress and ornaments, let him examine the business of suitors. Manu cautions King by saying, “Justice, being violated, destroys; justice, being preserved, preserves: therefore justice must not be violated, least violated justice destroys us”. Further he opines ‘the only friend of men even after death is justice; for everything else is lost at the same time when the body (perishes)’. If judicial system fails to dispense justice Manu says that, one quarter of (the guilt of) an unjust (decision) falls on him who committed (the crime), one quarter on the (false) witness, and one quarter on all the judges, one quarter on the king.
As the duty of a king consists in protecting his subjects by dispensing justice its observance leads him to heaven. He who does not protect his people or upsets the social order wields his royal scepter (danda) in vain. It is power and power (danda) alone which, only when exercised by the king with impartiality and in proportion to guilt either over his son or his enemy, maintains both this world and the next. The king who administers justice in accordance with sacred law (Dharma), evidence (vyavahára), history (samsthá) and edicts of kings (Nyáya) which is the fourth will be able to conquer the whole world bounded by the four quarters (Chaturantám mahím). A king who properly inflicts punishment prospers with respect to those three means of happiness; but if he is voluptuous, partial, and deceitful he will be destroyed, even through the unjust punishment, which he inflicts. Manu felt that the judicial administration should not rest in the hands of a feeble minded king. If judicial administration were given to such a king he would destroy the whole country. Punishment cannot be inflicted justly by one who has no assistant, (nor) by a fool, (nor) by a covetous man, (nor) by one whose mind is unimproved, (nor) by one addicted to sensual pleasures.
1.2.2. (c) Jury system:It is found that jury system existed in Manu’s period and Manu recommended the king to give the power of judicial administration to Brahmins in his absence. Jurors were called as ‘sabhasada’ or councilors who acted as assessors or adviser of the King. They were the equivalent of the modern jury, with one important difference. The jury of today consists of laymen- "twelve shopkeepers"-whereas the councilors who sat with the Sovereign were to be learned in law. Yajanvalkya enjoins: "The Sovereign should appoint as assessors of his Court persons who are well versed in the literature of the law, truthful, and by temperament capable of complete impartiality between friend and foe."
These assessors or jurors were required to express their opinion without fear, even to the point of disagreeing with the Sovereign and warning him that his own opinion was contrary to law and equity. Katyayana says: ‘The assessors should not look on when they perceive the Sovereign inclined to decide a dispute in violation of the law; if they keep silent they will go to hell accompanied by the King." The same injunction is repeated in an identical verse in Shukr-nitisara. The Sovereign-or the presiding judge in his absence-was not expected to overrule the verdict of the jurors; on the contrary he was to pass a decree (Jaya-patra) in accordance with their advice. Shukr-nitisara says: "The King after observing that the assessors have given their verdict should award the successful party a decree (Jaya-patra)." Their status may be compared to the Judicial Committee of the Privy Council which "humbly advises" their Sovereign, but their advice is binding. It may also be compared to the peoples’ assessors under the Soviet judicial system who sits with the professional judge in the People’s Court but are equal in status to him and can overrule him. However, if the decision of the Sabhyas (Judge) were fined and removed from the post, banished their property was also forfeited. They compelled to make good the loss. If the decision of Sabhyas is promoted by greed, fear, friendship, etc each one was fined twice.
1.2.2. (d) Judicial PsychologyManusmriti has specified the part of the judge’s function to probe the heart of the accused and the witness by studying their posture, mind and changes in voice and eyes. Chapter VIII, 25 (Para) - By external Signs let him discover the internal disposition of men, by their voice, their colour, their motions, their aspect, their eyes, and their gestures. 26 (Para) - The internal (working of the) mind is perceived through the aspect, the motions, the gait, the gestures, the speech, and the changes in the eye and of the face. This is unique it is the only ancient legal text which is the first code of law to take account of judicial psychology. It is further held that his flattering voice, licking the corner of his lips, speaking incoherently, loss of colour of his face and frequent coughing indicate the probability of his untruthfulness in the eyes of the Mitaksara of the Yajanvalkya Smriti.
1.2.2. (e) Law Relating to WitnessesIn ancient India to hearsay was not allowed, but a witness in a foreign country can give his evidence in writing before a learned man in the three Vedas and the writing sent by him may be read in the Court. As regards the number of witnesses, it is said that this number may be, 2, 3, 4, 5, 7, or 9. But a single witness is not accepted. But Narada Smrti states that a single witness may be accepted, if it is approved by both the parties. Kautilya states that a single witness can be accepted, if the very transaction has taken in secret.
Qualifications for witness, he should be a man of good character, trustworthy, knows Dharma and acts up to it. Witness from the same caste is to be prepared, and in cases relating to women a woman can be witness. As regards the nature of incompetent witnesses, it may be said that the persons having no faith in the Dharma, the persons who are very old persons, minors, oil presser, intoxicated person, lunatic, distressed, inattentive, undertaking long journeys, gambler etc.
Narada further gives us five-fold classification of incompetent witnesses, (1) the learned Brahamanas, and ascetics practising austerities. (2) Thieves, robbers, gamblers (3) witnesses are to be rejected on the ground of contradiction in their evidence (4) one who comes of his own accord for leading an evidence is also treated as incompetent, (5) When a person dies, he names some persons as witnesses for the transaction, they can come as witnesses and the person who is informed by the parties in a general way and not in a specific way is not to be admitted as a witness. Ordinarily the witnesses are to be examined in the presence of the parties and never behind their back. Further, a witness should be examined by his tone, change of colour, eyes gestures etc
The judge should address a Brahmana witness by ‘speak and swear by veracity’. He should address the Ksatriya witness as speak the truth and he should swear by the animal he rides and his weapon. A Vasisya should swear by kine, gold, and grian and a Sudra should swear by all grave sins. The view of majority witnesses shall be prepared, in case where there is no majority opinion is possible, and then the quality of statement made by the witnesses is to be taken into consideration. The claim is not said to be established when witnesses depose more or less than that mentioned in the statement or pliant of plaintiff and the disposition has not taken place at all and in such a case no fine is to be imposed. When there is conflict among the witnesses as regards time, place, property, amount, then the dispositions are as good as not taken place. Generally no ordeals (divyas) are to be resorted to when the witnesses are available. The oaths are to be employed in the disputes of small value and the ordeals are to be resorted to in serious disputes of crimes.
Punishment for false witnesses, (a) where a witness denies deposing in the Court matter, after giving promise to that effect along with other witnesses, (b) if for unfavourable circumstances, a witness denies to depose, (c) if a witness gives false evidence frequently, in all these cases witness shall be punished with fine and in last case physical punishment can also be imposed on such witness.
1.2.2. (f) Classification of Vivada (disputes)Apart from 18 subject matters of legal proceedings (as classified by Manu), distinction has been made between Artha-Vivada (civil dispute) and Himsra samudbhava Vivada (criminal disputes), amongst criminal dispute there are 4 sub division (i) Danda Parusya (assault and battery) (ii) Vak- Parusya (Defamation) (iii) Sahasa (Murder and other violation) and (iv) Strisangrahana (adultery). A cause of action arises when a person, being harassed in a way contrary to the rules of Smriti and usage, lodges a complaint. The judicial proceedings usually comprise four parts, namely complaint, reply, evidence and judgment. Replies can probably be of four kinds, and these are admission, denial, a special plea, relating to a former judgment. Three types of evidences are mentioned namely document, possession and witness. As regards the rules for summoning, it is evident that the opponent or the defendant, against whom the suit is filed, must be summoned to the Court. (2) Even other persons connected with the defendant (in the suit) may also be summoned. (3) When, however, some persons like soldiers, Agriculturists, cowherds etc. are fully occupied with their work, their representative may be allowed to appear before the Court, as held by the Narada Smriti. (4) In serious matters, however, the persons are allowed to appear in person before the Court, particularly with proper safeguards (5) in more serious matters like Murder of Woman, Adultery with her, as held by the Mitakashara on the Yajanvalkay Smriti no representative is allowed. But in such matters, the concerned must appear before the Court (6) it should be noted that the presence of some persons like the deceased, very old (more than Seventy years old), persons in calamities, engaged in religious rites, in king’s duties, a woman whose family is in bad condition, is actually condoned. (7) If, however after serving the summons defendant fails to come before the Court the King should wait for 30 days or 15 days and pass the Judgment in favour of the plaintiff. (8) But if there is an invasion by enemy or famine, or epidemic, than the King should not fine the defendant who is thus prevented from coming to the Court (9) However agents can be allowed to represent on behalf of his disabled Master.
1.2.2. (g) Representation by lawyer: the question also arises whether in ancient India, the system of lawyers is allowed or not. The views of Narada, Katyayana and Brhaspati show that the skilled help was required in the litigations. The commentary of Asahaya on the Narada Smrti indicates that those who are well- versed in the Smriti literature could afford help for monetary consideration to the parties that have appeared before Court. (Which is also recognized in C. P. C .1908 Order III Rule 2). Fees of such skilled persons were also fixed and he was appointed by parties not by Court.
1.2.2.(h). Interpretation of Legal Documents:Artha Shastra and Manu Smriti are considered as significant treatises as far as the legal system is concerned. In ancient Indian societies, an independent school of legal practices existed. Some general principles in connection with the judicial proceedings state that in case of disagreement between two texts of Smriti, justice according to usage is to be followed. In case of conflict between a text of Smriti associated with the dharma and one relating to artha, the former prevails. The former one sets rules regarding things unnoticed or otherworldly, while the latter one is more concerned with everyday matters.
Judges were required to decide cases, criminal and civil, according to law (samyak, yath-shastram, shastro ditena vidhina). This involved interpretation of the written text of the law- a task which created many problems such as the elucidation of obscure words and phrases in the text, reconciliation of conflicting provisions in the same law, solution of conflict between the letter of the law and principles of equity, justice and good conscience, adjustment of custom and smritis, and so on. This branch of law was highly developed and a number of principles were enunciated for the guidance of the Courts. The most important of them related to the conflict between the dharm-shastra and the artha-shastra.
Three systems of substantive law were recognized by the Court, the dharma-shastra, the arth-shastra, and custom which was called sadachara or charitra. The first consisted of laws which derived their ultimate sanction from the smritis and the second of principles of government. The border line between the two often overlapped. But the real distinction between the smritis and arth-shastra is uniformly secular, but that of the dharma-shastra not always so. In fact so remarkably secular is the arth-shastra in its approach to the problems of government that this has induced some writers to advance the theory that the artha-shastra (literal meaning: the science of ‘artha’ or pursuit of material welfare), did not evolve from the dharma-shastra but had an independent origin and developed parallel to it.
Legal system in ancient India also includes adverse possession and different modes of acquisition. Adverse possession grants right to the possessor if the owner who, even while seeing his property adversely possessed, does not raise any objection. A permanent property vests in the person adversely possessing it for 12 years without any objection from the owner. In case of movables, the period is ten years. The suitable modes of attainment of a property are purchase, gift etc. Generally acquisition, by a valid mode, is stronger proof than possession. Acquisition, without even slight possession, is not valid. A mortgage vests in the mortgagee if it is not redeemed even after the principal amount is doubled. A mortgage, with a time-limit, lapses after the expiry of that time.
2. Conclusion
The British while justifying their colonial rule in Indian claimed Indians lacked civilized system of self rule and their presence in this country gave India a sense of justice and rule of law. Many Indians today hold these views in their heart. These views are not only incorrect but they are blatant lies. The British supplanted ancient Indian law and introduced in its place their own system of law. One has to understand that this was not a simple change of laws but was the imposition of a totally alien philosophy, understanding of human nature, belief system, and way of life and concept of polity. This was and is a mismatch. Both Civil as well as Criminal Law administration during British regime is worse and blind observance of which even after independence is more than worse.
There were multiple reasons why British Legal System is not suitable to India,
2.1 Present Legal System had its origins in the dominant philosophy of Britain of those days. It is based on the notion of an Austinian state, where a single monarch or a power had all the power which was indivisible. All powers devolved from top down. That was the structure of the modern nation state that the British were familiar with. So there was centralization of legislative authority and executive authority. Seeing a region with multiple states was itself a shock to them having come from a unitary one. On top of it to have multiple legal systems, where different castes and religions had their own institutions was quite alien to them. So one of the things they tried to bring is certainty and uniformity in the law; certainty and uniformity in the judicial and legal institutions they created. That homogenization itself was a major shock to Indians. The judicial system is one part of the legal system. A legal system would involve all the laws, norms, standards that are laid down to determine what is right or wrong, correct or incorrect. It would also involve all that goes to enforce the legality: that is the Courts, police, jails etc.
2.2 It was profoundly disturbing to the Indian masses that they set up these specialized Courts manned by people trained in law with so called independent judges. That itself was a cultural shock for the people of India, because till that time, if you look at the existing dispute resolution systems, typically at the village level, one had the Panchayat system. Panchas would be notables who would be known locally. They were not appointed by state as we understand today. By the British yardstick they would not be ‘independent’ as they would be members of the community. The idea of an independent judge comes from Anglo-Saxon jurisprudence and it requires that the judge’s mind is a tabula rasa, a clean slate, with respect to the dispute and he only allows his mind to register that which is ‘relevant’ to the dispute. The medium by which the judge appreciates facts or the evidence is through the two lawyers representing either side. What they bring into the Court largely determines the final outcome. So who should be allowed to address the Court; complex rules of evidence concerning who could step into the witness box; what matters can be addressed and so on, became very important. For example, unless one’s own eyes or ears had seen or heard the transaction, one could not testify and one could testify only with regard to that particular transaction. Whereas in the panchayat, which was held in the open, anybody who had even fringe knowledge could speak. They did not have to go through this filter of ‘is this relevant, are you worthy’. Therefore you had a sense of participation and anybody could speak. With the new system however, one had a judge who was not known to the parties, which was seen as virtue in the English system but was alien to Indians; it goes without saying that the language of the Court was English and one had to hire a lawyer and so on. The new Courts had very strict rules of relevancy. Many of these continue till today. Thus new Courts with their very specialized rules of evidence which were manned by very technical judges, and where you would have to place your full faith in the vakeel, who alone would be the voice that would speak in the Court, made the system inaccessible to Indians. Thus, in all these area: the choice of the judge, who could testify, regarding what they could testify, the location of the Court and so on, all these things were alien and the process alienating. In the old panchayat, even if you were not of the ‘high caste’, you could sit or stand up. Further Judgment today’s Courts is in ‘Yes’ or ‘No’ form, whereas, the panchayats always negotiated, with no clear winner or loser. Panchayats were willing to find a mid-ground so that all could save face. People were used to that system, where you would not lose everything but some form of justice would be done. So that you did not have a win-lose but a win-win situation. In Panchayat system the solution gave a lot of discretion to the decision makers to decide what would best serve the ends of justice. So long as their decision was not out of sync with vyavahara as practiced, they had a whole range of flexibility. In contrast, for the British, the ‘certainty of law’, that it was fixed before the dispute came into being, was seen as a major virtue.
2.3 The administration of Criminal Justice was not also well founded in India, the police can oppress with impunity. During British rule the visit of a police darogah (officer) to a native villager is a calamity. If a robbery is committed, the poor are afraid to complain; if anyone is wanted as a witness, he is taken for several days from his labor and treated as a prisoner; if a criminal, or suspected criminal, is arrested, he is at once presumed to be guilty, and is very probably tortured to confess.... The insecurity of property induces all who can afford it, to hire watchman, in fact, bludgeon men, of their own; and these, whenever occasion requires, are of course used as agents of any amount of violence and oppression.... The people sink under the weight of fear, and their natural cowardice is increased by a sense of hopelessness of resistance. Justice is to a large extent, practically denied them; the land-holders and the police are chief powers they know; and they are hunted by both, till they surrender themselves to servility, to despair. Even after 65 years of Independence Justice Administration of justice in India never satisfied the aspiration of people, this is because wrong selection of foreign made legal structure, application of discontent laws, discarding indigenous system of justice administration.
Abstract: The ancient Aryan rulers of India were confronted by political, economic, and social problems in many ways similar to those with which modern British statesmen and social reformers are struggling, and their solutions of them, according to all the evidence of history, were much more satisfactory to the people at large than any which modern Europe has found. The freedom and general happiness attained by the people of Great Britain with the help of Parliamentary institutions and the richest revenues of the world can hardly be compared with that which Indians within the Aryan pale enjoyed both before and after the fifth century A.D.—the time which we regard as Dark Age. The Indo- Aryan constitution, built up by the highest intelligence of the people upon the basis of the village communities, and not wrung from unwilling war-lords and landlords by century-long struggles and civil war, secured to the Indian peasant-proprietor not only the ownership of the land, but very considerable powers of self government. From 300 A.D to 1192 A.D India is said to worlds most developed country, its GDP was equivalent to 25% of worlds GDP, followed by China which had 15% share in World GDP. This tremendous development is impossible without very sound justice dispensing system during that Golden age, to the contrary some Historians and Foreign Jurists opined that there was no ‘rule of law’ in ancient India, if so what was the system of Justice Administration that was in existence during that day and which ‘norms’ (Laws) of ancient Indian society contributed to attainment such highest stage of Human Civilization. To answer these prepositions it is necessary to go beyond western distortions about India and conduct impartial inquiry of surrounding social facts recorded in old texts.
History of Judicial system in India can be classified in to III stages, (i) Judicial System in ancient India i.e Pre-Islamic invasion (ii) Judicial System in Medieval Age (iii) Judicial System in British Rule. For our discussion we shall take first stage.
India has the oldest judiciary in the world. No other judicial system has a more ancient or exalted pedigree. But before describing the judicial system of ancient India I must utter a warning. The reader must reject the colossal misrepresentation of Indian Jurisprudence and the legal system of ancient India by certain British writers. I shall give a few specimens. Henry Maine described the legal system of ancient India "as an apparatus of cruel absurdities". An Anglo-Indian jurist made the following remark about what he called "the oriental habits of life" of the Indians before the British turned up in India: "It (British rule in India) is a record of experiments made by foreign rulers to govern alien races in a strange land, to adapt European institutions to Oriental habits of life, and to make definite laws supreme amongst peoples who had always associated government with arbitrary and uncontrolled authority." Alan Gledhill, a retired member of the Indian Civil Service, wrote that when the British seized power in India, "there was a dearth of legal principles." For Bernard Cohn, the ancient constitution rendered Indian history as antique, static and theocratic.
These statements are untrue. It is not for me to guess why they were made. They may be due to sheer ignorance, or imperialist self-interest, or contempt for Indian culture and civilization which was a part of the imperialist outlook which dominated British Jurists, historians, and thinkers in the heyday of imperialism. But the effect of this misrepresentation, which has few parallels in history, was to create a false picture of the Indian judicial system both in India and outside. These are the words of Hon’ble Justice S. S. Dhavan High Court, Allahabad; it is true that Legal System in ancient India was much better and matured that, impartial English Historians themselves admitted its superiority. Whereas others as mentioned above, in their utter ignorance or with a view to defy Indian culture and thereby dominate Indian civilization distorted, by creating false impression as to social conditions of pre-British India.
1.2. Judicial System in Ancient IndiaThe concept of Dharma that ruled Indian civilization, from Vedic period up to Muslim invasion from King to his last servant everyone was bound by Dharma, The word Dharma is derived from "dhr" to mean to uphold, sustain or nourish. The Seers often use it in close association with ‘rta’ and ‘satya’. Sri Vidyaranya defines ‘rta’ as the mental perception and realization of God. The Taittiriya Upanishad also uses it with ‘satya’ and ‘dharma’. It exhorts students to speak the truth and practice dharma (Satyam vadha: Dharmam chara). According to Sankara Bhagavatpada ‘satya’ means speaking the truth and ‘dharma’ means translating it (Satya) into action.
In this regard, the explanation given by Sri.K.Balasubramania Aiyar is relevant: "An analysis of the significance of these three words (rta, satya and dharma) brings out clearly to us the fundamental basis of dharma as the ideal for an individual. While ‘rta’ denotes the mental perception and realization of truth and ‘satya’ denotes the exact true expression in words of the truth as perceived by the mind, dharma is the observance, in the conduct of life, of truth. In fact, dharma is the way of life which translates into action the truth perceived by the man of insight as expressed by him truly. In short, ‘rta’ is truth in thought, ‘satya’ is truth in words and ‘dhrama’ is truth in deed."
Manusmriti written by the ancient sage Manu prescribes ten essential rules for the observance of Dharma: Patience (dhriti), forgiveness (kshama), piety or self control (dama), honesty (asteya), sanctity (shauch), control of senses (indraiya-nigrah), reason (dhi), knowledge or learning (vidya), truthfulness (satya) and absence of anger (krodha). Manu further writes, "Nonviolence, truth, non-coveting, purity of body and mind, control of senses are the essence of Dharma". Therefore dharmic laws govern not only the individual but all in society
Dharma is generally mean ‘principle of righteousness’ or ‘duty’, principle of holiness and also the principle of unity. Yudhishthira says in his instructions to Bhishma that whatever creates conflict is Adharma, and whatever puts an end to conflict and brings about unity and harmony is Dharma. Anything that helps to unite all and develop pure divine love and universal brother hoodness is Dharma. Dharma advocates if the Paramatman is to draw us unto himself we must, without fail; perform our duties to him as well as to the world. It is these duties that constitute what is called dharma. Again, it is dharma that serves us when we dwell in our body and when we cease to dwell in it. It serves us in life and afterlife. There need be no doubt or confusion about the dharma we ought to follow. We are all steeped in the dharma that our, great men have pursued from generation to generation. They have inwardly realized eternal beatitude and we know for certain that they lived without any care, unlike people in our own generation who are always discontented and are embroiled in agitations and demonstrations of all kinds. All we need to do is to follow the dharma that they practiced. If we tried to create a new dharma for ourselves it might mean trouble and all the time we would be torn by doubts as to whether it would bring us good or whether it would give rise to evil. It is best for us to follow the dharma practiced by the great men of the past, the dharma of our forefathers. It does not mean that ‘Dharma’ is immutable; ‘Dharma’ has to two aspects one ‘Sanatana Dharma’ another is ‘Yuga Dharma’ later is valid one for an age. The Smiritis themselves recognize this principle of social change, Manu says, “There is one set of dharma for men in the kritayuga; a different set for each of tretayuga, dvapara and kaliyugas; the dharma change according to the change of yuga. “The Hindu (i.e Sanatana Dharma) view makes room for essential changes. There must be no violent break with social heredity, and yet the new stresses, conflicts and confusions will have to be faced and overcome; while the truths of spirit are permanent the rules change from age to age”.
Dharma is unique blend of rigidity and flexibility it protects eternal principles and accepts continued valid traditions, Shurtis stands for universal, eternal, and fundamental principles and Smiritis stands for a group of values derived from these principles and finding their expression in limited, temporary and relative field of social life. Swami Vivekananda said, “We know that, in our books, a clear distinction is made between two sets of truths. The one set is that which abides forever, being built on the nature of man, the nature of soul, the souls’s relation to God and so on. The other set comprises the minor laws, which guide the working of our everyday life…… They belong more properly to the puranas, to the Smiritis, and not the shruti…..custom of one age, of one yuga, have not been the customs of another, and as yuga comes after yuga they will have to change”.
Henry Maine classified Indian Society and its legal system as ‘Static’, this is because of his utter ignorance he might have relied his counterpart’s explanation (distorted) rather than understanding Indian Society as it stood, in India the King himself was subject to the law; that arbitrary power was unknown to Indian political theory and jurisprudence and the king’s right to govern was subject to the fulfillment of duties the breach of which resulted in forfeiture of kingship; that the judges were independent and subject only to the law; that ancient India had the highest standard of any nation of antiquity as regards the ability, learning, integrity, impartiality, and independence of the judiciary, and these standards have not been surpassed till today; that the Indian judiciary consisted of a hierarchy of judges with the Court of the Chief Justice (Praadvivaka) at the top, each higher Court being invested with the power to review the decision of the Courts below; that disputes were decided essentially in accordance with the same principles of natural justice which govern the judicial process in the modern State today: that the rules of procedure and evidence were similar to those followed today; that supernatural modes of proof like the ordeal were discourage; that in criminal trials the accused could not be punished unless his guilt was proved according to law; that in civil cases the trial consisted of four stages like any modern trial – plaint, reply, hearing and decree; that such doctrines as Res Judicata (prang nyaya) were familiar to Indian jurisprudence; that all trials, civil or criminal, were heard by a bench of several judges and rarely by a judge sitting singly; that the decrees of all Courts except the King were subject to appeal or review according to fixed principles; that the fundamental duty of the Court was to do justice "without favor or fear".
1.2.1. Rule of Law in Ancient IndiaThe British while justifying their colonial rule in India claimed Indians lacked civilized system of self rule and their presence in this country gave India a sense of justice and Rule of law. Many Indians today held these views in their heart. These views are not only incorrect but they are blatant lies. In fact there was no match for Rule of law that existed in ancient India; even Englishman’s Rule of Law looks too conservative before that lofty ideal of ancient Indian rule of law. In the Mahabharata, it was laid down "A King who after having sworn that he shall protect his subjects fails to protect them should be executed like a mad dog."
"The people should execute a king who does not protect them, but deprives them of their property and assets and who takes no advice or guidance from any one. Such a king is not a king but misfortune." Kautilya describes the duties of a king in the Arth-shastra thus : "In the happiness of his subjects lies the King’s happiness; in their welfare his welfare; whatever pleases him he shall not consider as good, but whether pleases his people he shall consider to good."
It is ironical, that in a country where ‘King can do no wrong’ principal is in existence, how dare they may be to conclude Indian ancient legal system is full of absurdities,
The so-called progressive politician, who treats Indian history as a book no longer read, tells us that we must look forward and not backward; that we can no longer build as Akbar built; that India can gain little or nothing by studying her own past; that East must be west and forget that she was East. Pretending to be a real with a scientific political programme based upon actualities, he is ignorant of the fundamental economic and social conditions by which a prudent and far-seeing State policy must be governed and blind to the things of everyday Indian life which pass before his own eye. The logic of history, ancient or modern, Indian or European, is lost upon him…………. The British factory-hand and dweller in city slums sings when he goes to war because war is for him a release from servitude and misery often far more degrading than the Indian caste system at its worst. He does not sing in times of peace. He is then chained down to a daily life in which there is no joy or freedom—the slavery of modern industrialism. He struggles vainly to free himself from it by the organization of trade unions, and only adds to the political machine another form of tyranny which often is a menace to the whole imperial fabric8. This what the observation made by great English Historian E.B. Havell.
In the heyday of imperialism defying observation were made about Indian Legal system by some the European Historians, Prof. J.S.Patil in his discourse always reminds us, that Historians of Europe always used to see India through their English glasses, for this reason there observations remained far from reality. In India, the concept of Rule of law can be traced to Upanishad. It provides that the law is the king of kings. It is more powerful and rigid than the kings. There is nothing higher than law. By its powers the weak shall prevail over the strong and justice shall triumph. Thus, in monarchy, the concept of law developed to control the exercise of arbitrary powers of the monarchs who claimed divine powers to rule. In democracy, the concept has assumed different dimension and means that the holders of public powers must be able to justify publicly that the exercise of power is legally valid and socially just.
1.2.2. Judiciary in Ancient IndiaSacred law (Dharma), evidence (Vyavahára), history (Charitra), and edicts of kings (Rájasásana) are the four legs of Law, of these four in order: the later is superior to the previously mentioned. Dharma is eternal truth holding its sway over the world; Vyavahára, evidence, is in witnesses; Charitra, history, is to be found in the tradition (sangraha), of the people; and the order of kings is what is called sásana (legislations). These principles of were administered by Court, in ‘Sangrahana’, ‘ Karvatik’, ‘Dronamukha’, and ‘Stháníya’, and at places where districts meet, three members acquainted with Sacred Law (dharmasthas) and three ministers of the King (amátyas) shall carry on the administration of Justice. ‘Sangrahana’ is centre for 10 villages, ‘Karyatik’ for 200 Villages, ‘Dronamukha’ for 400 villages and ‘Sthaniya’ for 800 villages. This arrangement of judiciary suggests that there were sufficient number of Courts at different levels of administration, and for district (Janapadasandhishu) there were Circuit Courts. My
In villages, the local village councils or Kulani, similar to modern panchayat, consisted of a board of five or more members to dispense justice to villagers. It was concerned with all matters relating to endowments, irrigations, cultivable land, punishment of crime, etc. village councils dealt with simple civil and criminal cases. At higher level in towns and districts the Courts were presided over by the government officer under the authority of King to administer the justice. The link between the village assembly in the local and the official administration was the head man of the village. In each village, local head man was holding hereditary office and was required to maintain order and administer justice, he was also a member of village council he acted both as the leader of the village and mediator with the government.
In order to deal with the disputes amongst member of various guilder or association of trader or artisans,(sreni), various corporations, trade bills, guilds were authorized to exercise an effective jurisdiction over their member. These tribunals consisting of a president and three or five co-adjutors were allowed to decide their civil cases regularly just like other Courts. No doubt, it was possible go in appeal from the tribunal of the guild to local Court, then to Royal judges and from this finally to the King but such situation rarely arises. Due to the prevailing institution of joint Family system Family Courts were also established, ‘puga’ assemblies made up of groups of families in the same village decide civil disputes amongst the family members.
1.2.2. (a) Grounds of Litigation:Manu mentions following grounds on which litigation may be instituted, (1) Non-payments of debts; (2) deposits; (3) sale without ownership; (4) partnership; (5) non-delivery of gifts; (6) non-payment of wages; (7) Breach of Contract; (8) cancellation of a sale or purchase; (9) disputes between owners and herdsmen; (10) the law on boundary disputes; (11) verbal assault; (12) physical assault; (13) theft; (14) violence; (15) sexual crimes against women; (16) law concerning husband and wife; (17) partition of inheritance; and (18) gambling and betting.
According to Brihaspati Smiriti, there was a hierarchy of Courts in Ancient India beginning with the family Courts and ending with the King. The lowest was the family arbitrator. The next higher Court was that of the judge; the next of the Chief Justice who was called Praadivivaka, or adhyaksha; and at the top was the King’s Court. The jurisdiction of each was determined by the importance of the dispute, the minor disputes being decided by the lowest Court and the most important by the king. The decision of each higher Court superseded that of the Court below.
According to Vachaspati Misra, "The binding effect of the decisions of these tribunals, ending with that of the king, is in the ascending order, and each following decision shall prevail against the preceding one because of the higher degree of learning and knowledge".
1.2.2. (b) Duties and manners: to be observed by the king in administration of justice were very clearly laid down in Sacred Texts, Manu’s code says, a king, desirous of investigating law cases, must enter his Court of justice, preserving a dignified demeanour, together with Brahmans and with experienced councilors. There, either seated or standing, raising his right arm, without ostentation in his dress and ornaments, let him examine the business of suitors. Manu cautions King by saying, “Justice, being violated, destroys; justice, being preserved, preserves: therefore justice must not be violated, least violated justice destroys us”. Further he opines ‘the only friend of men even after death is justice; for everything else is lost at the same time when the body (perishes)’. If judicial system fails to dispense justice Manu says that, one quarter of (the guilt of) an unjust (decision) falls on him who committed (the crime), one quarter on the (false) witness, and one quarter on all the judges, one quarter on the king.
As the duty of a king consists in protecting his subjects by dispensing justice its observance leads him to heaven. He who does not protect his people or upsets the social order wields his royal scepter (danda) in vain. It is power and power (danda) alone which, only when exercised by the king with impartiality and in proportion to guilt either over his son or his enemy, maintains both this world and the next. The king who administers justice in accordance with sacred law (Dharma), evidence (vyavahára), history (samsthá) and edicts of kings (Nyáya) which is the fourth will be able to conquer the whole world bounded by the four quarters (Chaturantám mahím). A king who properly inflicts punishment prospers with respect to those three means of happiness; but if he is voluptuous, partial, and deceitful he will be destroyed, even through the unjust punishment, which he inflicts. Manu felt that the judicial administration should not rest in the hands of a feeble minded king. If judicial administration were given to such a king he would destroy the whole country. Punishment cannot be inflicted justly by one who has no assistant, (nor) by a fool, (nor) by a covetous man, (nor) by one whose mind is unimproved, (nor) by one addicted to sensual pleasures.
1.2.2. (c) Jury system:It is found that jury system existed in Manu’s period and Manu recommended the king to give the power of judicial administration to Brahmins in his absence. Jurors were called as ‘sabhasada’ or councilors who acted as assessors or adviser of the King. They were the equivalent of the modern jury, with one important difference. The jury of today consists of laymen- "twelve shopkeepers"-whereas the councilors who sat with the Sovereign were to be learned in law. Yajanvalkya enjoins: "The Sovereign should appoint as assessors of his Court persons who are well versed in the literature of the law, truthful, and by temperament capable of complete impartiality between friend and foe."
These assessors or jurors were required to express their opinion without fear, even to the point of disagreeing with the Sovereign and warning him that his own opinion was contrary to law and equity. Katyayana says: ‘The assessors should not look on when they perceive the Sovereign inclined to decide a dispute in violation of the law; if they keep silent they will go to hell accompanied by the King." The same injunction is repeated in an identical verse in Shukr-nitisara. The Sovereign-or the presiding judge in his absence-was not expected to overrule the verdict of the jurors; on the contrary he was to pass a decree (Jaya-patra) in accordance with their advice. Shukr-nitisara says: "The King after observing that the assessors have given their verdict should award the successful party a decree (Jaya-patra)." Their status may be compared to the Judicial Committee of the Privy Council which "humbly advises" their Sovereign, but their advice is binding. It may also be compared to the peoples’ assessors under the Soviet judicial system who sits with the professional judge in the People’s Court but are equal in status to him and can overrule him. However, if the decision of the Sabhyas (Judge) were fined and removed from the post, banished their property was also forfeited. They compelled to make good the loss. If the decision of Sabhyas is promoted by greed, fear, friendship, etc each one was fined twice.
1.2.2. (d) Judicial PsychologyManusmriti has specified the part of the judge’s function to probe the heart of the accused and the witness by studying their posture, mind and changes in voice and eyes. Chapter VIII, 25 (Para) - By external Signs let him discover the internal disposition of men, by their voice, their colour, their motions, their aspect, their eyes, and their gestures. 26 (Para) - The internal (working of the) mind is perceived through the aspect, the motions, the gait, the gestures, the speech, and the changes in the eye and of the face. This is unique it is the only ancient legal text which is the first code of law to take account of judicial psychology. It is further held that his flattering voice, licking the corner of his lips, speaking incoherently, loss of colour of his face and frequent coughing indicate the probability of his untruthfulness in the eyes of the Mitaksara of the Yajanvalkya Smriti.
1.2.2. (e) Law Relating to WitnessesIn ancient India to hearsay was not allowed, but a witness in a foreign country can give his evidence in writing before a learned man in the three Vedas and the writing sent by him may be read in the Court. As regards the number of witnesses, it is said that this number may be, 2, 3, 4, 5, 7, or 9. But a single witness is not accepted. But Narada Smrti states that a single witness may be accepted, if it is approved by both the parties. Kautilya states that a single witness can be accepted, if the very transaction has taken in secret.
Qualifications for witness, he should be a man of good character, trustworthy, knows Dharma and acts up to it. Witness from the same caste is to be prepared, and in cases relating to women a woman can be witness. As regards the nature of incompetent witnesses, it may be said that the persons having no faith in the Dharma, the persons who are very old persons, minors, oil presser, intoxicated person, lunatic, distressed, inattentive, undertaking long journeys, gambler etc.
Narada further gives us five-fold classification of incompetent witnesses, (1) the learned Brahamanas, and ascetics practising austerities. (2) Thieves, robbers, gamblers (3) witnesses are to be rejected on the ground of contradiction in their evidence (4) one who comes of his own accord for leading an evidence is also treated as incompetent, (5) When a person dies, he names some persons as witnesses for the transaction, they can come as witnesses and the person who is informed by the parties in a general way and not in a specific way is not to be admitted as a witness. Ordinarily the witnesses are to be examined in the presence of the parties and never behind their back. Further, a witness should be examined by his tone, change of colour, eyes gestures etc
The judge should address a Brahmana witness by ‘speak and swear by veracity’. He should address the Ksatriya witness as speak the truth and he should swear by the animal he rides and his weapon. A Vasisya should swear by kine, gold, and grian and a Sudra should swear by all grave sins. The view of majority witnesses shall be prepared, in case where there is no majority opinion is possible, and then the quality of statement made by the witnesses is to be taken into consideration. The claim is not said to be established when witnesses depose more or less than that mentioned in the statement or pliant of plaintiff and the disposition has not taken place at all and in such a case no fine is to be imposed. When there is conflict among the witnesses as regards time, place, property, amount, then the dispositions are as good as not taken place. Generally no ordeals (divyas) are to be resorted to when the witnesses are available. The oaths are to be employed in the disputes of small value and the ordeals are to be resorted to in serious disputes of crimes.
Punishment for false witnesses, (a) where a witness denies deposing in the Court matter, after giving promise to that effect along with other witnesses, (b) if for unfavourable circumstances, a witness denies to depose, (c) if a witness gives false evidence frequently, in all these cases witness shall be punished with fine and in last case physical punishment can also be imposed on such witness.
1.2.2. (f) Classification of Vivada (disputes)Apart from 18 subject matters of legal proceedings (as classified by Manu), distinction has been made between Artha-Vivada (civil dispute) and Himsra samudbhava Vivada (criminal disputes), amongst criminal dispute there are 4 sub division (i) Danda Parusya (assault and battery) (ii) Vak- Parusya (Defamation) (iii) Sahasa (Murder and other violation) and (iv) Strisangrahana (adultery). A cause of action arises when a person, being harassed in a way contrary to the rules of Smriti and usage, lodges a complaint. The judicial proceedings usually comprise four parts, namely complaint, reply, evidence and judgment. Replies can probably be of four kinds, and these are admission, denial, a special plea, relating to a former judgment. Three types of evidences are mentioned namely document, possession and witness. As regards the rules for summoning, it is evident that the opponent or the defendant, against whom the suit is filed, must be summoned to the Court. (2) Even other persons connected with the defendant (in the suit) may also be summoned. (3) When, however, some persons like soldiers, Agriculturists, cowherds etc. are fully occupied with their work, their representative may be allowed to appear before the Court, as held by the Narada Smriti. (4) In serious matters, however, the persons are allowed to appear in person before the Court, particularly with proper safeguards (5) in more serious matters like Murder of Woman, Adultery with her, as held by the Mitakashara on the Yajanvalkay Smriti no representative is allowed. But in such matters, the concerned must appear before the Court (6) it should be noted that the presence of some persons like the deceased, very old (more than Seventy years old), persons in calamities, engaged in religious rites, in king’s duties, a woman whose family is in bad condition, is actually condoned. (7) If, however after serving the summons defendant fails to come before the Court the King should wait for 30 days or 15 days and pass the Judgment in favour of the plaintiff. (8) But if there is an invasion by enemy or famine, or epidemic, than the King should not fine the defendant who is thus prevented from coming to the Court (9) However agents can be allowed to represent on behalf of his disabled Master.
1.2.2. (g) Representation by lawyer: the question also arises whether in ancient India, the system of lawyers is allowed or not. The views of Narada, Katyayana and Brhaspati show that the skilled help was required in the litigations. The commentary of Asahaya on the Narada Smrti indicates that those who are well- versed in the Smriti literature could afford help for monetary consideration to the parties that have appeared before Court. (Which is also recognized in C. P. C .1908 Order III Rule 2). Fees of such skilled persons were also fixed and he was appointed by parties not by Court.
1.2.2.(h). Interpretation of Legal Documents:Artha Shastra and Manu Smriti are considered as significant treatises as far as the legal system is concerned. In ancient Indian societies, an independent school of legal practices existed. Some general principles in connection with the judicial proceedings state that in case of disagreement between two texts of Smriti, justice according to usage is to be followed. In case of conflict between a text of Smriti associated with the dharma and one relating to artha, the former prevails. The former one sets rules regarding things unnoticed or otherworldly, while the latter one is more concerned with everyday matters.
Judges were required to decide cases, criminal and civil, according to law (samyak, yath-shastram, shastro ditena vidhina). This involved interpretation of the written text of the law- a task which created many problems such as the elucidation of obscure words and phrases in the text, reconciliation of conflicting provisions in the same law, solution of conflict between the letter of the law and principles of equity, justice and good conscience, adjustment of custom and smritis, and so on. This branch of law was highly developed and a number of principles were enunciated for the guidance of the Courts. The most important of them related to the conflict between the dharm-shastra and the artha-shastra.
Three systems of substantive law were recognized by the Court, the dharma-shastra, the arth-shastra, and custom which was called sadachara or charitra. The first consisted of laws which derived their ultimate sanction from the smritis and the second of principles of government. The border line between the two often overlapped. But the real distinction between the smritis and arth-shastra is uniformly secular, but that of the dharma-shastra not always so. In fact so remarkably secular is the arth-shastra in its approach to the problems of government that this has induced some writers to advance the theory that the artha-shastra (literal meaning: the science of ‘artha’ or pursuit of material welfare), did not evolve from the dharma-shastra but had an independent origin and developed parallel to it.
Legal system in ancient India also includes adverse possession and different modes of acquisition. Adverse possession grants right to the possessor if the owner who, even while seeing his property adversely possessed, does not raise any objection. A permanent property vests in the person adversely possessing it for 12 years without any objection from the owner. In case of movables, the period is ten years. The suitable modes of attainment of a property are purchase, gift etc. Generally acquisition, by a valid mode, is stronger proof than possession. Acquisition, without even slight possession, is not valid. A mortgage vests in the mortgagee if it is not redeemed even after the principal amount is doubled. A mortgage, with a time-limit, lapses after the expiry of that time.
2. Conclusion
The British while justifying their colonial rule in Indian claimed Indians lacked civilized system of self rule and their presence in this country gave India a sense of justice and rule of law. Many Indians today hold these views in their heart. These views are not only incorrect but they are blatant lies. The British supplanted ancient Indian law and introduced in its place their own system of law. One has to understand that this was not a simple change of laws but was the imposition of a totally alien philosophy, understanding of human nature, belief system, and way of life and concept of polity. This was and is a mismatch. Both Civil as well as Criminal Law administration during British regime is worse and blind observance of which even after independence is more than worse.
There were multiple reasons why British Legal System is not suitable to India,
2.1 Present Legal System had its origins in the dominant philosophy of Britain of those days. It is based on the notion of an Austinian state, where a single monarch or a power had all the power which was indivisible. All powers devolved from top down. That was the structure of the modern nation state that the British were familiar with. So there was centralization of legislative authority and executive authority. Seeing a region with multiple states was itself a shock to them having come from a unitary one. On top of it to have multiple legal systems, where different castes and religions had their own institutions was quite alien to them. So one of the things they tried to bring is certainty and uniformity in the law; certainty and uniformity in the judicial and legal institutions they created. That homogenization itself was a major shock to Indians. The judicial system is one part of the legal system. A legal system would involve all the laws, norms, standards that are laid down to determine what is right or wrong, correct or incorrect. It would also involve all that goes to enforce the legality: that is the Courts, police, jails etc.
2.2 It was profoundly disturbing to the Indian masses that they set up these specialized Courts manned by people trained in law with so called independent judges. That itself was a cultural shock for the people of India, because till that time, if you look at the existing dispute resolution systems, typically at the village level, one had the Panchayat system. Panchas would be notables who would be known locally. They were not appointed by state as we understand today. By the British yardstick they would not be ‘independent’ as they would be members of the community. The idea of an independent judge comes from Anglo-Saxon jurisprudence and it requires that the judge’s mind is a tabula rasa, a clean slate, with respect to the dispute and he only allows his mind to register that which is ‘relevant’ to the dispute. The medium by which the judge appreciates facts or the evidence is through the two lawyers representing either side. What they bring into the Court largely determines the final outcome. So who should be allowed to address the Court; complex rules of evidence concerning who could step into the witness box; what matters can be addressed and so on, became very important. For example, unless one’s own eyes or ears had seen or heard the transaction, one could not testify and one could testify only with regard to that particular transaction. Whereas in the panchayat, which was held in the open, anybody who had even fringe knowledge could speak. They did not have to go through this filter of ‘is this relevant, are you worthy’. Therefore you had a sense of participation and anybody could speak. With the new system however, one had a judge who was not known to the parties, which was seen as virtue in the English system but was alien to Indians; it goes without saying that the language of the Court was English and one had to hire a lawyer and so on. The new Courts had very strict rules of relevancy. Many of these continue till today. Thus new Courts with their very specialized rules of evidence which were manned by very technical judges, and where you would have to place your full faith in the vakeel, who alone would be the voice that would speak in the Court, made the system inaccessible to Indians. Thus, in all these area: the choice of the judge, who could testify, regarding what they could testify, the location of the Court and so on, all these things were alien and the process alienating. In the old panchayat, even if you were not of the ‘high caste’, you could sit or stand up. Further Judgment today’s Courts is in ‘Yes’ or ‘No’ form, whereas, the panchayats always negotiated, with no clear winner or loser. Panchayats were willing to find a mid-ground so that all could save face. People were used to that system, where you would not lose everything but some form of justice would be done. So that you did not have a win-lose but a win-win situation. In Panchayat system the solution gave a lot of discretion to the decision makers to decide what would best serve the ends of justice. So long as their decision was not out of sync with vyavahara as practiced, they had a whole range of flexibility. In contrast, for the British, the ‘certainty of law’, that it was fixed before the dispute came into being, was seen as a major virtue.
2.3 The administration of Criminal Justice was not also well founded in India, the police can oppress with impunity. During British rule the visit of a police darogah (officer) to a native villager is a calamity. If a robbery is committed, the poor are afraid to complain; if anyone is wanted as a witness, he is taken for several days from his labor and treated as a prisoner; if a criminal, or suspected criminal, is arrested, he is at once presumed to be guilty, and is very probably tortured to confess.... The insecurity of property induces all who can afford it, to hire watchman, in fact, bludgeon men, of their own; and these, whenever occasion requires, are of course used as agents of any amount of violence and oppression.... The people sink under the weight of fear, and their natural cowardice is increased by a sense of hopelessness of resistance. Justice is to a large extent, practically denied them; the land-holders and the police are chief powers they know; and they are hunted by both, till they surrender themselves to servility, to despair. Even after 65 years of Independence Justice Administration of justice in India never satisfied the aspiration of people, this is because wrong selection of foreign made legal structure, application of discontent laws, discarding indigenous system of justice administration.
LITIGATION: an inherited Proletarianism
This Article is a contemplation of what could have been thought by a Litigant
Aghast it felt then and aghast it feels now; hallucinated it felt then and aberrated it feels now. I was legal toddler then, I am no better-off now. I can recall those hurly days when my peer group used to wait eagerly for me to make a jest but now look at me, I am waiting in an apprehension of getting justice at least this time but let alone leave justice, I, instead, got another date. On every adjournment, I am recollected of the movie called Damini where an advocate in the movie becomes so disgruntled on dates being given in a perpetual succession in a routine affair compelling an Advocate to assert ”my lord, we have only received dates after dates but justice was never given”. The aforesaid assertions has bestowed upon me an incumbency to nurture the Hypothesis i.e. Judicial procrastination is an antithesis to the theory of Jural Correlativeness and the same be put to test in order to prove its veracity. As I was petrified due to such procrastination, I entered in the premises along with my attorney who readily noticed the stress lines at my forehead. Hardly anyone knew that my neurons are racing among themselves in order to knockdown the Hypothesis which is the brain child of the racing neurons itself and obviously a ramification of all pervasive procrastination.
Good morning your lordship; I am the petitioner before this Hon’ble Court since generations. My father had been bowing down before your Lordship since ages and the same trait of proletarianism have been inculcated in me under an illusion that one day, justice might prevail. My father, in a perpetual succession, kept on chanting and sobriquetting this court as a pious place, similar to any other place of worship. Probably; I visited this court more than any other temples of worship and with each visit, I often wonder as to the change of my character which, as per my earlier apprehension, was of a mere litigant but due to generational efflux of time, has transformed into and inherited proletariat.
According to Marx: there are two types of people living in a society; first being the Bourgeoisie i.e. the ‘Ruler’ and the other being the Proletariat i.e. the ‘Ruled’. This is not just an elaboration of any maxim but a reality to reckon with. A reality whereby the litigants are the puppets in the hands of the legal hierarchy. An inculcation of fear psychosis in the nouminal hemisphere of the litigant like me is the trend which has numerous erstwhile contemporaries. A fiduciary relationship has developed due to efflux of time whereby the will of the one party is dominated by the will of the other dominant party. As per the Jurisprudence, every right has a jurally corresponding duty. If this is so, then why the litigant had been considered a proletariat whereby he has a right to get justice but does not create its respective Jural Corelative when evidenced to reality.
According to Marxist theory; the revolution can only take place through rebellion. Many erudite cognitive faculties would render the aforesaid as being highly preposterous as it would be incongruous of any goal being achieved through rebellion in a nation where the legendry figures like mahatma and Buddha once walked. In fact, on the contrary, I, certainly does not endorse the Gandhian / Buddhist View due to obvious reasons circumventing the procedural, substantive, social, physical, psychological, economical improprieties. There is another school of thought which does not believe either in the Marxism or Gandhian / Buddhism school of thought as both of them eliminated the Burgeoise. The school is of the view that the instantaneous position is different as we are not committed to get rid of the legal fraternity but our aim is to make legal fraternity bereft of the individualistic character of the legal cum judicial fraternity whereby the right shall be accorded its corresponding jural correlative; whereby justice is not delayed neither denied; whereby the legal cum judicial fraternity does not mint pecuniary benefit to its advantage while sitting on the graveyard of justice.
I took a minute off from this hanky-panky Court’s matrix & was recollected of an ancient (due to efflux of time) incident where the judge was about to dismiss my Petition on the ground that such was barred by time. I further recalled that the actual time was overridden by 7 days only and it was only after filing an application for condonation of delay and 5 hearings on that application, the Petition was finally admitted with a levy of exorbitant costs which was eventually paid by my father, a litigant then. I queried my attorney as to the limitation period for the delivery of justice? He laughed as if I made a jest; probably the answer was in the negative. Looking at my attorney, I inculcated a twin-fold indicative presumption; one being of suspicion and other being of apprehension. The former implying an unholy virtual nexus between the legal and the Judicial fraternity to Procrastinate and the latter implying non-delivery of Justice.
The judicial cum politico-legal big wheels are self proclaimed public spirited persons/organizations as they boast of creating numerous substantive, procedural and hierarchical mechanisms, be it horizontal or vertical. At the very outset, a litigant like me would come to know as to who is benefiting from such mechanism. Is it going to benefit the litigant or it manifests yet another evolution of bourgeoisie. Does a fast track court is competent enough or it is an attempt to recruit people after they have been superannuated. This questionnaire itself questions the very legislative intentional edifice of such judicial structures being uplifted to allegedly succoring the legal cum judicial fraternity instead of the litigants.
In all these gasping years, I might not have learned the nitty-gritties of the substance of practicing Law but certainly I mastered the practice of bowing down before the so-called Temple of Justice and how can I ever forget those infamous lines ”AND FOR THIS ACT OF KINDNESS, THE PETITIONER SHALL EVER PRAY AS DUTY BOUND.
The treacherous path between ‘Justice delayed’ and ‘Justice delivered’ has become so tumultuous that whosoever intends to tread on this pathway will probably succumb to ‘Litigant Insomnia’-a state where I am busy in devolving a mechanism by which I can relieve myself of the plights bestowed upon me by virtue of ramifications of the proletarianism which has been inherited by me and of which my father was an unwilling Testator.
Last but not the least; a democratic patronage shall ever prevail over partisanship and there shall be no Burgeoisie as the same is mutually exclusive to the Principles of Jural Correlatives.
Lets’ Jural Correlatives prevail
Difference Between an Attorney and a Lawyer
An attorney is a lawyer, but a lawyer may not necessarily be an attorney.
On television, in advertisements, and from our friends, we often hear reference to “lawyers” and “attorneys.” Despite the ease of categorizing these two words as synonyms, they do in fact mean different things. The difference is only slight, but it matters a great deal to state bar associations, particularly in the investigation and prosecution of unauthorized practice of law cases. However, practically speaking, the terms have become interchangeable in the United States.
A lawyer is simply one who is trained in the law. They may or may not provide legal guidance to another. Thus, anyone who has attended law school in the United States can consider themselves a lawyer. However, until they pass the bar exam in the jurisdiction in which they intend to work, the method by which they use their lawyering skills is limited. For example, a policy advisor or consultant to the government, who attended law school, is technically a lawyer and may offer his skills in the course of his work, but he must not cross the fine line into providing legal representation.
An attorney or attorney at law is also a lawyer. They have attended law school and presumably “practice” the study of law as a career. However, attorneys by definition have passed a bar examination and have been admitted to practice law in the particular jurisdiction. They may go beyond the realm of lawyer and provide legal representation to an individual. The relationship is more than merely providing the factual state of the law and delves into providing strategy for the client’s needs in reference to the law. An attorney can also appear in court and other settings on behalf of a client. An attorney is also a lawyer, but a lawyer may not necessarily be an attorney.
Want to complicate matters more? The term esquire is also a source of confusion in the legal world, thanks in part to its use in the United Kingdom. In the UK, esquire is an unofficial title of respect or honor. It is used not only forbarristers and solicitors (two other terms for lawyers/attorneys in Great Britain), but is also an honor bestowed upon doctors and Ph.D. graduates. However, in the United States, esquire has become, almost exclusively, a title used by attorneys. Some states, in the prosecution for unauthorized practice cases, have used as evidence the fact that the a non-lawyer signed documents with “Esquire” behind his/her name in order to hold themselves out to the public as an attorney. However, no court in the United States has ever convicted an individual for unauthorized practice of law merely for using esquire. In cases where the party was guilty and “esquire” was a factor, he was doing other things that amounted to unauthorized practice of law.
Though technical differences exist, practically speaking, only a lawyer would know the difference between lawyer, attorney, barrister, solicitor, or the limits on using esquire. The general public can probably rest easy in a world of synonym, as long as they ensure the lawyer handling the case is also an attorney.
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